Veiled Muslim women

veiled ladyFor some reason this site has been ranking high in Google Images searches for “burqa” in recent weeks.  I don’t understand it; we feature a grand total of one picture with a burqa in it, and that went up in June.  If you are one of the dozens of people who lands here every day looking for pictures of burqas (or niqabs, or chadors,) below are some links you might like. 

  1.  two ladies on the street 
  2.  a customer in a dress shop chooses a blue burqa
  3. Muslim couple looks at the Eiffel Tower
  4. veiled lady pays her respects to America’s war dead 
  5. black and blue together
  6. veiled women texting
  7. Blackberry hijabi
  8. veiled lady sewing burqa  
  9. black-white-black
  10. jungle print burqa
  11. white and gold gown (face veil down)
  12. bejeweled veil on fashion catwalk
  13. American flag veil
  14. veiled lady snowtubing  

Familiar faces, veiled: Minnie Mouse; “Liberty Leading the People”; “Liberty Enlightening the World”;  Li’l Kim partly veiled (but almost nude); Mary, Mother of Jesus; Condoleezza Rice; Indian tennis star Sania Mirza, veiled

(more…)

Clever Video

Via Alison Bechdel’s site, an extremely inventive video from Dutch artist Evelien Lohbeck

 

A seasonal acrostic

An acrostic is a poem in which the first letter of each line, in sequence, will form a name, motto, or other message.  Acrostics often commemorate holidays; for example, many Americans once marked Mother’s Day with a song that began “M is for the many things she gave me.”  And a Google search for “Christmas acrostic” brings up this many results.   

Apparently Arnold Schwartzenegger, who for some reason that eludes me is the Governor of California, views his vetoes as holidays.  Note the heartwarming free-verse acrostic in his latest veto message to the state legislature, via Wonkette :

acrostic

Ptolemy’s system

The ancients looked at the sky and thought that they could see heavenly bodies rotating around the earth.  In the sixth century BC, Anaximander of Miletus theorized that the stars were mounted on the inside of a transparent spherical shell and that the earth was a solid sphere hanging in the center of this shell.  The Sun, Moon, and planets would have been mounted on other spherical shells.  Anaximander’s theories were often criticized in antiquity, but his idea of revolving concentric spheres would dominate the western cosmological imagination for millenia.   

Anaximander’s theory explained the apparent movements of the Sun and Moon tolerably well, but the orbits of the planets presented it with a challenge.  In particular, if we look at Mars and think of it as revolving around the earth, we will occasionally see it stop, back up, and make a loop in the sky.  The astronomer Hipparchus of Nicaea in the third century BC and the theorist Claudius Ptolemy in the second century AD were among those who developed a new theory, according to which the stars and other heavenly bodies moved as if they were mounted on transparent spheres, but spheres that were mounted on other spheres.  So the major sphere might make a cycle around the earth, but each heavenly body seemed to be mounted on a minor sphere that made a cycle (an “epicycle”) around a point on that major cycle.  A very clear animated illustration of Ptolemy’s epicyclic system can be found here.  Here are some more illustrations of this Ptolemaic system:

epicycle-move

with descriptions: 

Epicycle

From an old edition of Ptolemy’s Almagest:

almagest_2

Below is a video showing how these systems of illustration might represent one hypothetically possible orbit.

A generous bird

I have a lot of hats.  One of them is a walking hat by Hanna Hats of Donegal, Ireland.  I’m quite fond of it, not least because it was a gift from my father.

When I received this hat, it had a feather in its band.  I was sad when I lost that feather two weeks ago; it hadn’t really matched the hat very well, but it was part of it, and a replacement was in order.  So whenever I was among trees, I kept looking at the ground, trying to find another feather. 

Yesterday, I found one.  It matched the hat much better than the original had done.  Unfortunately I don’t have any pictures of the old feather, but here are shots of the new one:

hat

In place

And:

feather

On its own

I can only surmise that some bird with the right plumage, a generous heart, and a highly developed aesthetic sense saw my featherless hat and decided to make a donation.  I’m very grateful.

Funny Album Covers

Here’s a website devoted to ill-conceived album covers.  Some of their finds:

Sex and the Female

sex-and-female-jay-snell-album

At Play with the Playmates

at-paly-with-playmates-golden-classics-funny

(more…)

Steve 29928, a Naked Ukulele Guy

Here’s a new ukulele-YouTuber to watch, Steve 29928.  What he lacks in clothing he makes up for in talent.  He’s new to the instrument, improving very rapidly.  He’s already put up three performances worth listening to in their entirety.

His cover of UB-40’s cover of “Red Red Wine.”  It’s his latest one, and his best so far, I think.

The Girl from Ipanema

Can’t Help Fallin’ in Love with You“- not the best performance perhaps, but his dog peeks into the frame, and I love that.

More art with clothespins

The other day, I posted about a gallery of artistic use of clothespins on Weirdomatic, and an eerily similar gallery posted on another site a few weeks later.  An artist named Gerry Steca has been working in clothespins for years; here are a couple of his pieces.  For more examples, visit his site.

A monumental piece

A monumental piece

  (more…)

The Nation, 9 November 2009

nation 9 nov 09For me, the highlight of this issue was a review of Mary Beard‘s The Fires of Vesuvius: Pompeii Lost and Found.  Beard’s “down to earth portrait of Pompeii” is informed by her grasp of “the latest research in demography, the history of Roman politics, architecture, ancient economics, feminist and post-colonial studies.” 

The same issue includes a number of articles about the war in Afghanistan.  As the editors summarize this symposium:

The principal rationale for America’s expanding military commitment in Afghanistan is that a Taliban takeover there would directly threaten US security because it would again become a safe haven for Al Qaeda to plot attacks against the United States. But the essays by Stephen Walt and John Mueller strongly refute that assumption, pointing out that a Taliban victory would not necessarily mean a return of Al Qaeda to Afghanistan, and that in any case the strategic value of Afghanistan and Pakistan as base camps for Al Qaeda is greatly exaggerated and can be easily countered.

Similarly, proponents of sending more troops to Afghanistan argue that Taliban success would embolden global jihadists everywhere and destabilize Pakistan in particular. Yet, as the essays by Selig Harrison and Priya Satia show, this narrative does not fit the realities. While American policy-makers and Al Qaeda may think of this as a grand meta-struggle between the United States and global jihadism, many Taliban fighters are motivated by other factors: by traditional Pashtun resistance to foreign occupation; by internal ethnic politics, such as rebellion against the Tajik-dominated government of Hamid Karzai; or by anger over the loss of life resulting from American/NATO aerial attacks that have gone awry.

As for Pakistan, the essays by Manan Ahmed and Mosharraf Zaidi explain why the Taliban threat to Pakistan is not as serious as many assume, and why a newly democratic Pakistan has turned increasingly against Islamist extremists. As Ahmed and Zaidi suggest, Pakistanis are quite capable of defending their country–not for American interests but for their own reasons–and Pakistani stability is more likely to be threatened than enhanced by military escalation in Afghanistan.

And finally, Robert Dreyfuss offers an exit strategy: as it winds down its counterinsurgency, Washington should encourage an international Bonn II conference that would lead to a new national compact in Afghanistan.

Well, not quite “finally.”  The issue also includes a piece by Ann Jones about Afghan women.  Jones mentions groups like Feminist Majority that argue for a continued US troop presence in the name of Afghan women’s rights.  She mentions her own years of experience working with women in Afghanistan, and gives it as her assessment that “an unsentimental look at the record reveals that for all the fine talk of women’s rights since the US invasion, equal rights for Afghan women have been illusory all along, a polite feel-good fiction that helped to sell the American enterprise at home and cloak in respectability the misbegotten government we installed in Kabul.”  In light of the fiercely patriarchal Shi’ite Personal Status Law (the SPSL, “or as it became known in the Western press, the Marital Rape Law,”) she goes on to say that “From the point of view of women today, America’s friends and America’s enemies in Afghanistan are the same kind of guys.”  She is unimpressed by the number of women in the Afghan parliament:

But what about all the women parliamentarians so often cited as evidence of the progress of Afghan women? With 17 percent of the upper house and 27 percent of the lower–eighty-five women in all–you’d think they could have blocked the SPSL. But that didn’t happen, for many reasons. Many women parliamentarians are mere extensions of the warlords who financed their campaigns and tell them how to vote: always in opposition to women’s rights. Most non-Shiite women took little interest in the bill, believing that it applied only to the Shiite minority. Although Hazara women have long been the freest in the country and the most active in public life, some of them argued that it is better to have a bad law than none at all because, as one Hazara MP told me, “without a written law, men can do whatever they want.”

Jones sees little hope, and much tragic irony in the possibilities facing Afghanistan:

So there’s no point talking about how women and girls might be affected by the strategic military options remaining on Obama’s plate. None of them bode well for women. To send more troops is to send more violence. To withdraw is to invite the Taliban. To stay the same is not possible, now that Karzai has stolen the election in plain sight and made a mockery of American pretensions to an interest in anything but our own skin and our own pocketbook. But while men plan the onslaught of more men, it’s worth remembering what “normal life” once looked like in Afghanistan, well before the soldiers came. In the 1960s and ’70s, before the Soviet invasion–when half the country’s doctors, more than half the civil servants and three-quarters of the teachers were women–a peaceful Afghanistan advanced slowly into the modern world through the efforts of all its people. What changed all that was not only the violence of war but the accession to power of the most backward men in the country: first the Taliban, now the mullahs and mujahedeen of the fraudulent, corrupt, Western-designed government that stands in opposition to “normal life” as it is lived in the developed world and was once lived in their own country. What happens to women is not merely a “women’s issue”; it is the central issue of stability, development and durable peace. No nation can advance without women, and no enterprise that takes women off the table can come to much good.

Jones knows Afghanistan quite well; I know it not at all.  I can only hope that there is something left in the local culture of the seeds from which a relatively woman-friendly Afghanistan once grew, and that those seeds will again send up green shoots once foreign armies leave the country .

What do we need to have in common if we are to communicate with each other?

Regular readers of this site know that Believer1, alias Mrs Acilius, is a sociologist.  Lately she’s been spending time with a school of thought called Symbolic Interactionism.  American social theorist George Herbert Mead is usually named as the founder of Symbolic Interactionism.  The Believer has shared with me some claims that Symbolic Interactionists make that she finds problematic.  For example, Mead defined communication as something that occurs if and only if one person sets out to elicit a particular response from another person and then sees that other person respond in that way.  So, if I tell you a joke in order to make you laugh, I have communicated with you if and only if I have seen you laugh.  When she reads this sort of thing, the Believer transforms into the Disbeliever.  Could anyone really use the word “communication” only in this very narrow sense? 

blogger-in-computer1The November 2009 issue of Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture includes a number of pieces that remind me of Symbolic Interactionism.  The highlight of the issue is Chilton Williamson’s column.  Williamson seems to have a Mead-like sense of the limits of communication.  Williamson finds fault with the mass media, not only for being controlled by corporations and other self-interested bureaucracies, nor for showing political biases in one direction or other, but precisely because they are massive.  Williamson writes:

[T]he mass media of today are capable only of lies.  Or, to put it another way, they are incapable of speaking, or transmitting, truth, including the so-called facts… The media have nothing worthwhile to say because the audience they address is, by definition, a mass audience- that is, in terms of genuine human communication, no audience at all.  Both the right and the left, Republicans and Democrats, have been denouncing media bias for generations.  Media bias, they claim, prevents the people from having the true facts about public life, and thus makes democracy unworkable.  But really the situation is the same no matter which side runs the show.  The media represents the massed mental power of the corporate world, political as well as business, and that power is the power of the Prince of Lies.  “In this age of democracy,” John Lukacs says, “[the] intrusion of mind into matter tends to increase.”  This is because mind intruded into matter becomes mere matter- in other words, mere product.

Williamson contrasts the USA that Alexis de Tocqueville described in 1831, where “Americans lived and breathed the politics of their towns, their states, and their country,” and where political debate was the usual mode of conversation among men, with our version of the same country:

Today, Americans assiduously avoid discussing politics in social situations.  Their political conversations occur almost in hiding, among family or like-minded associates, or one-way– nightly, in the privacy of their dens in front of the television set- as Hannity and Beck reinforce their own opinions: remote and unanswerable presences, but reassuring ones.  It is all a bit like watching pornography.

How do those of us who find Hannity and Beck anything but reassuring respond to this situation?

The homogenized, disinfected, carefully controlled, and apparently neutral and anodyne content sustained by the mass media, by denying notice to, and access by, minority opinion, quite naturally ensures that dissenters develop progressively hostile, extreme, and unreasonable opinions and ideas and resort to the relatively unregulated internet to express them.  Unlike the official media, the web is a bedlam of raw personal opinion, but here lack of constraint has the same result as overconstraint: suspicion, uncertainty, and resentment… The unpleasant truth is that every writer needs an editor, albeit an honest editor who is as well an individual and a human being, not a corporate automaton.  Ultimately, unrestrained populist babble is no more reliable than the corporate monotone that pretends to inform us about the shape and content of the modern world we inhabit.  

The products mass media bring to the market less and less resemble tools through which we can look at the world, more and more take on the character of accessories with which we decorate ourselves.  Williamson quotes Jean Guéhennoc, who wrote that “the ultimate stage of democracy by media will be reached when political debate no longer has any influence on actual decisions but on the collective perception that a people has of itself.”  It may seem superfluous, but Williamson follows this quote with a reference to Barack Obama, elected by a people overwhelmingly opposed to his predecessor’s policies of war in Asia and bailouts for Wall Street, who has used his office to expand wars and bailouts alike. 

How have we come to this desperate pass?

Short of either a nuclear winter or a global-warming summer that destroys much of the natural world and civilization along with it, the media will dominate what remains of that civilization for as far as the human eye can see.  The media are no plot but a technological excrescence that was not designed overall but incrementally, and according to technological and financial, rather than human, logic.  There is the problem.  Mass communications are destructive because they claim to communicate without doing so, and the reason they cannot communicate is that human communication multiplied by scores of millions of times is impossible.  To address everyone at once is to address nobody at all. 

For Williamson, communication among human beings means connection among human beings.  A charismatic speaker may be able to form some kind of connection with a large group, but even the most charismatic speakers are limited in the kind of connection they can form with such a group, and thus with the kind of message they can communicate; “Christ Himself appears to have limited his audiences to 5000 people, while saving His choicest teachings for private discussions with the Twelve.” 

(more…)