Some hide themselves, and some are hidden; some are forgotten, and some forget themselves

July’s issue of The American Conservative features a piece by Sydney Schanberg arguing that American prisoners of war were left over in Vietnam after direct US involvement in the war there ended in the early 1970s.  Several other pieces pick up on Schanberg’s claims, drawing various dire conclusions about the nature of the political leadership in the USA.   

In October 2008, The Nation ran an article in which Schanberg made this same case.  I noted that article here, remarking that I had never given that idea much credence, but that I was impressed by what Schanberg wrote.  Amid the pro-Schanberg pieces in this issue of The American Conservative is a short article by Gareth Porter titled “The evidence doesn’t stack up.”  Unlike the readers who wrote The Nation to protest the appearance of Schanberg’s piece there , Porter does not list his credentials as a scholar of the US military involvement in Vietnam.  Also unlike them, he does not declare himself to be displeased that the topic is being discussed.  Most profoundly unlike them, he looks at Schanberg’s evidence and judges it on its merits.  Indeed, the only way in which Porter resembles the outraged letter writers of The Nation is that he finds Schanberg’s case entirely unconvincing.  Porter argues that the document to which Schanberg has attached the greatest weight is almost certainly a forgery, and in any case doesn’t say what Schanberg claims it says.   Porter goes on to find many other faults with Schanberg’s argument. 

Something that is, I think, quite well-founded appears in Andrew Bacevich’s contribution to the discussion:

Like slavery or the Holocaust, Vietnam is part of the past not yet fully consigned to the past.

The practice of publicly displaying the POW/MIA flag testifies to this fact. On the one hand, it represents a lingering communal acknowledgment of loss and more broadly of massive national failure. On the other, it sustains the pretense—utterly illusory—that a proper accounting, not only of the missing but of the entire Vietnam experience, is still forthcoming. “You deserve to be brought home,” the flag implicitly states, “And we deserve to know why you were sent in the first place.”

Yet to undertake a serious accounting would find Americans facing a plethora of discomfiting truths, not only about the knaves and fools who concocted the Vietnam War but about the American way of life and the premises on which it is based. Tell the whole truth about Vietnam and you crack open a door that few Americans wish to peer behind. To do so is to come face-to-face with troubling questions about the meaning of freedom and democracy as actually practiced in the United States.

Few Americans are willing to confront such questions, the answers to which could oblige us to revise the way we live. So we salve our consciences by flying flags, sustaining the pretense that we care when what we desperately want to do is to forget as much as possible.

In the same issue, Paul Gottfried finds it odd that many Americans who stand on the political Right are so fond of calling their opponents “fascists” and of claiming that fascism was a left-wing movement.  Gottfried is himself very, very conservative in his politics.  Much as he might like to disassociate himself and his fellow Rightists from the taint of fascism, Gottfried also has a scholarly reputation and a lifetime of intellectual integrity, both of which he would like to preserve.  Gottfried lists a number of facts which, he says, make it impossible for a serious person of any disposition to see fascism as anything other than a phenomenon of the extreme Right, and ridicules those who disregard these facts.    

If the idea of fascism as a leftist movement is so ludicrous, why does it have so much support among American right-wingers?  Gottfried gives four possible reasons.  First, Leftists who keep their cool when they are accused of being Communists or utopians tend to sputter and look silly when they hear themselves being called fascists.  While this might be fun for conmservatives who are frustrated to meet opponents who don’t take their ideas seriously, Gottfried says that “only a cultural illiterate could believe that interwar fascists were intent on pursuing a massive welfare state centered on the achievement of social equality, with special protection for racial minorities, feminists, alternative lifestyles, and whatever else the latter-day Left is about.”    

Second, some American right-wingers in the 1930s “had a very limited understanding of the European Right or the European Left” and so “made the unwarranted leap from thinking that all forms of economic planning were unacceptable to believing that all were virtually identical.”  Thus they came to believe that the New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt, the Five-Year Plans of Stalin, and the corporatism of Mussolini were three names for the same thing.  Those thinkers started a tradition that is still alive and well in some circles in today’s USA. 

Third, the use of “fascism” as an all-purpose term of abuse represents an appeal to the argumentum ad Hitlerem, in which any resemblance between one’s opponent and Adolf Hitler, no matter how superficial or strained, is treated as if it released one from the obligation to answer that opponent’s claims.  Fourth, by attempting to brand what Gottfried calls “the latter-day Left” as fascist, the latter-day Right can pretend to be more different than it in fact is from its opposition.  

I can think of a fifth possible reason.  American economic analyst Lawrence Dennis became notorious in the 1930s and 1940s for a series of books in which he argued that market-driven capitalism was doomed, and that representative democracy would go down with it.  The economic system of the future, Dennis decided, was one in which capitalists retained nominal ownership and day-to-day control of the means of production, but government coordinated their activities.  The political system that would go along with this corporatist economy might be dressed up to look like a democracy, but would in fact be dominated by an elite that would remain in power regardless of the outcome of any elections that might be held.  To keep the public in support of this system and to keep the money supply from contracting, the elite would likely encourage an attitude of militant nationalism and a warlike foreign policy.  This system Dennis called fascism. 

 Dennis consistently said that when fascism came to America, it would not be called by that name.  Rather, it would be marketed as a new form of democracy, as the very antidote to fascism.  He predicted that he himself would be among the first dissidents prosecuted once the USA had become fascist.  Indeed, in 1944 Dennis was put on trial for sedition.  The prosecution collapsed, and Dennis wrote a book about it

In his 1969 book Operational Thinking for Survival, Dennis reviewed the arguments he had made in the 1930s and early 1940s.  He concluded that his predictions had been substantially correct.  Avoiding the word “fascism,” he wrote that our current political and economic system “is one that has no generally accepted name.” 

So, perhaps the reason Left and Right are so eager to fling the word “fascism” at each other is that each is haunted by the fear that it is powerless to keep the country from becoming fascist.  For all that Rightists might long to restore the Old Republic and Leftists might long to create a new system “centered on the achievement of social equality, with special protection for racial minorities, feminists, alternative lifestyles,” each looks on helplessly as events make a mockery of these ambitions.  Whatever success each side might have in its attempts to promote its vision of freedom, the movement towards fascism goes on relentlessly.

The Nation, 3 November 2008

This issue starts with letters from writers upset with the magazine for publishing Sydney Schanberg’s piece on American POWs unaccounted for after the US disengaged from the Vietnam War.  These correspondents cite their own published work indicating that North Vietnam did not hold American POWs back and arguing that the story that it did merely enables Americans to see in their own captive countrymen as the main victims of the Vietnam War.  In response, Schanberg points out that his critics do not offer new information or level any specific criticisms of his research. 

Eric Foner reviews Philip Dray’s Capitol Men: The Epic Story of Reconstruction Through the Lives of the First Black Congressmen.  The sixteen African American members of Congress Dray discusses led exciting lives, and Foner mentions several of the rollicking tales of adventure featured in the book.

The Nation, September and October 2008

1/8 Sept– Kristina vanden Heuvel quotes Mikhail Gorbachev’s Washington Post op-ed on the Georgian crisis, claiming that “if we had heeded his vision of a truly post-Cold War world, we might not today be confronting such dangerous geoploitical gamesmanship.”  Vanden Heuvel points out that in Kosovo, the West supported the KLA’s demands for independence on grounds that treated the right of self-determination as all-important, the sovereignty of the nation-state as unimportant.  In Georgia, we oppose the Abkhazians and South Ossetians in their demands for independence on grounds that treat the sovereignty of the nation-state as all-important, the right of self-determination as unimportant.  Unless we can practice foreign policy in such a way as to show equal respect to these twin principles, vanden Heuvel argues, there will be no hope for world peace.

Stuart Klawans recommends Trouble the Water, a documentary about the destruction of African-American New Orleans during and after Hurricane Katrina made by African-American New Orleanians in New Orleans during and after Hurricane Katrina. 

15 Sept– Stephen F. Cohen on the lives of people released from Stalin’s gulag; David Schiff on the opera Peter Grimes; a poem by Mahmoud Darwish.

22 Sept– The first of four consecutive issues to feature the name “Palin” on the cover.  Robert Grossman’s comic strip sets “The Legend of Flyboy McPlane” to music.  Margot Canaday reviews William Eskridge’s history of sodomy laws in America.

29 Sept– The cover is a spoof of the New Yorker’s now famous Oval Office cartoon.  After the jump, images. 

D. D. Guttenplan on a couple of books about the history and meaning of comic books; Paula Findlen on Giordano Bruno’s life, his philosophy, and the power of his story as a rallying point for anticlerical sentiment.

6 Oct– I’d always thought of the idea that the Hanoi regime had withheld American POWs at the end of the war as a sick delusion.  Sydney Schanberg gives reasons to think otherwise.  Apparently there is a great deal of evidence to the effect that such a thing did happen, and Crazy John McCain has behaved rather unpleasantly in his role as one of the chief figures in the official effort to hush that evidence up.  

13 Oct– Several contributors argue against the idea of bailing out major Wall Street firms, calling instead for an effort to rebuild the American economy from the bottom up.